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When Abraham Lincoln delivered the Gettysburg Address in 1863, he had broader aims than simply rallying a war-weary nation. Lincoln realized that the Civil War had taken on a wider significance—that all of Europe and Latin America was watching to see whether the United States, a beleaguered model of democracy, would indeed “perish from the earth.”
In The Cause of All Nations, distinguished historian Don H. Doyle explains that the Civil War was viewed abroad as part of a much larger struggle for democracy that spanned the Atlantic Ocean, and had begun with the American and French Revolutions. While battles raged at Bull Run, Antietam, and Gettysburg, a parallel contest took place abroad, both in the marbled courts of power and in the public square. Foreign observers held widely divergent views on the war—from radicals such as Karl Marx and Giuseppe Garibaldi who called on the North to fight for liberty and equality, to aristocratic monarchists, who hoped that the collapse of the Union would strike a death blow against democratic movements on both sides of the Atlantic. Nowhere were these monarchist dreams more ominous than in Mexico, where Napoleon III sought to implement his Grand Design for a Latin Catholic empire that would thwart the spread of Anglo-Saxon democracy and use the Confederacy as a buffer state.
Hoping to capitalize on public sympathies abroad, both the Union and the Confederacy sent diplomats and special agents overseas: the South to seek recognition and support, and the North to keep European powers from interfering. Confederate agents appealed to those conservative elements who wanted the South to serve as a bulwark against radical egalitarianism. Lincoln and his Union agents overseas learned to appeal to many foreigners by embracing emancipation and casting the Union as the embattled defender of universal republican ideals, the “last best hope of earth.”
A bold account of the international dimensions of America's defining conflict, The Cause of All Nations frames the Civil War as a pivotal moment in a global struggle that would decide the survival of democracy.
- Sales Rank: #261644 in Books
- Published on: 2017-01-10
- Released on: 2017-01-10
- Original language: English
- Dimensions: 8.90" h x 1.20" w x 6.00" l, .0 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 408 pages
Review
Bruce Levine, author of The Fall of the House of Dixie: The Civil War and the Social Revolution that Transformed the South
“At last! In a single judicious, skillfully constructed, and very well written volume, Don Doyle has given us a concise but panoramic view of the United States Civil War's impact on world history. We have needed such a book for a long time. It deserves a wide audience among scholars, teachers, students, and general readers alike.”
James M. McPherson, Pulitzer Prize-winning author of Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era
“Offering new perspectives on the international dimensions of the American Civil War, Don Doyle portrays it as a world-changing conflict between liberalism and reaction. This eye-opening book leaves no doubt that Abraham Lincoln was right when he said that ‘the whole family of man' had a stake in the war's outcome.”
Kirkus Reviews Best Nonfiction of 2014
Economist
“An enlightening and compellingly written book.... More than any previous study, it tells the story of how America's civil war was perceived, debated and reacted to abroad, and how that reaction shaped the course of the war at home.”
Foreign Affairs
“Doyle's important book reveals why the war was more than a domestic quarrel; it was also a geopolitical event that shook the global balance of power.”
Wall Street Journal
"Mr. Doyle goes beyond conventional diplomatic history to shed much new light on what he calls history's first ‘deliberate, sustained, state-sponsored' campaign to shape foreign public opinion."
Chicago Tribune
“A lively and entertaining new history.... For Civil War buffs, reading the book is like arriving at your favorite restaurant from the street you never take; you know exactly where you are, but nothing looks quite the same from this angle…[Doyle] similarly succeeds in telling a story that is both familiar and wholly original.”
Society for U.S. Intellectual History
“[A] wonderfully informative and entertaining book…a finely wrought narrative, with a strong underpinning of intellectual history…It is Doyle's great achievement in The Cause of all Nations to remind us that the movement to end slavery in the United States was international in both scope and effect.”
Library Journal
“This fascinating work on the impact of the Civil War on the Atlantic world is an essential read for anyone interested in the conflict.”
Publishers Weekly
“Doyle lucidly contextualizes these dueling diplomatic missions within the larger machinations of European rulers.... A readable and refreshing perspective on a conflict too often understood through a purely domestic context.”
Kirkus, starred review
“Doyle…provides some novel insights about this most chronicled of conflicts.... An important—even necessary—addition to the groaning shelves of Civil War volumes.”
Daily Beast
“Well researched, evenly balanced.... Doyle's greatest asset, as both a historian and writer, is his ability to patiently tell this story with color, verve, and flair: while also weighing in with his own expertise and commentary at crucial periods of the narrative.”
Forbes.com
“Masterful.”
Times Literary Supplement
“A major contribution to the history of the American Civil War…A timely reminder of the benefits of looking outwards, to Europe and the world at large.”
Daily Beast
“Well researched, evenly balanced… Doyle's greatest asset, as both a historian and writer, is his ability to patiently tell this story with color, verve, and flair: while also weighing in with his own expertise and commentary at crucial periods of the narrative.”
History Today
“[A] tour de force [that] stunningly reconceives the American Civil War.”
Roanoke Times
“This is a significant book, coming forth in good time to put the spotlight on the Irrepressible Conflict's all-too-often unacknowledged root, and the dire consequences that grew therefrom.”
Civil War Book Review
“Doyle has written the definitive transnational account of the American Civil War and at the same time has given much food for thought to both American historians and historians of nineteenth-century Europe on a myriad of possibilities for further exploration of the connections and comparisons between the 1860s Old and New Worlds that he has highlighted in his book.”
America's Civil War
“Doyle makes a compelling case that the war can be viewed as a turning point in the global growth of democratic institutions.”
War on the Rocks blog
“What a great book!.... The Cause of All Nations is extensively well-researched, and is a useful history of both the American story and European states' international relations during this period… Above all, it sets the Civil War in its proper place in history, as a global affirmation of self-government and freedom. Anyone interested in the Civil War should have Doyle's book on his or her shelves.”
Civil War Memory
“An absolutely fascinating story.”
Military Heritage
“This work forcefully and effectively argues that the American Civil War had lasting importance not only for the United States, but also the wider world. Its points are made cogently, clearly, and with a sense of the international situation of the 1860s.”
Orville Vernon Burton, author of The Age of Lincoln
“Unlike any recent book on America's Civil War, Don Doyle's The Cause of All Nations breaks out of the familiar North vs. South framework to view the war, often through the eyes of foreigners, as an epic battle in a global contest over basic principles of liberty, equality, and self-government. In Doyle's telling, the quintessentially American story of ‘our Civil War' becomes an international conflict of arms and ideas, in which the future of slavery and democracy itself was at stake.”
Ted Widmer, editor of The New York Times: Disunion: Modern Historians Revisit and Reconsider the Civil War from Lincoln's Election to the Emancipation Proclamation
“Lincoln often claimed that American democracy meant much to the rest of the world. As this wonderful book shows, his forlorn hope turned out to be true. With precision and style, The Cause of All Nations reasserts the universal relevance of the Civil War.”
About the Author
Don H. Doyle is the McCausland Professor of History at the University of South Carolina. The author of several books, including Faulkner's County and Nations Divided, he lives in Columbia, South Carolina.
Most helpful customer reviews
33 of 35 people found the following review helpful.
Enlightening
By Christian Schlect
The U.S. Civil War was more than battles, weapons, and generals. It was a symbolic contest that held the attention of many peoples and governments far from our shores. How England, France, Italy, and other states treated the matter was far from ordinary.
Professor Doyle does a nice job of describing the diplomacy of both North and South as the two sides fought for the attention and favor of rulers and those ruled, especially in Europe. And for those who are not aware of the importance of political events in Mexico during the period of our Civil War, Professor Doyle supplies quite useful information.
This book closes with a valuable reminder that the Statue of Liberty not only welcomes the downtrodden to our shores, but serves to "enlighten the
world" as to the hard-earned value of our once threatened, but continuing democracy.
38 of 41 people found the following review helpful.
How the Civil War Mattered to the World
By Reg Ankrom
The end of a Don H. Doyle book comes too soon. His latest work, The Cause of All Nations: An International History of the American Civil War," demonstrates that. The author of several histories, Doyle knows the nub of a good story and the arc of great history. One finishes a Doyle book satisfied that Doyle has achieved his purpose but somber, too, because there is no more.
The Cause of All Nations describes how foreign leaders and peoples were engaged in the American Civil War, largely by the strength of perceptions overseas about its reason. The book details how confused foreigners were initially about the war's purpose. Promised a leading military role if he would join the North's fight, Italian revolutionary Giuseppe Garibaldi asked whether it was "'like any civil war,' just another internecine conflict over territory and sovereignty.'" (26) The question, which reverberated in palaces, guild halls, and serf's kitchens around the world, exposed what appeared to Europeans to be a lack of moral purpose in the U.S. conflict. In his inaugural address, President Lincoln linked its cause to the illegality of disunion and declared he had no constitutional authority to interfere with slavery. Yet, wondered Europeans, how could it be a war for constitutional principle without being a war to end slavery? Northern diplomats like Carl Schurz were quick to recognize the dilemma and advise Secretary of State William Seward that the "union was forfeiting its most appealing moral assets" in European public opinion by not focusing more on "a great humanitarian principle." (69)
Monarchies and much of the world's aristocracies despised American democracy and thrilled to Northern challenges and missteps. Cause conveys how Queen Victoria and British Prime Minister Palmerston, France's Napoleon III, Spain's Queen Isabella, and Pope Pius IX were happy to see conflict in the only nation on earth where people ruled themselves. "Every friend of despotism rejoices at your misfortune," wrote London Times correspondent William Howard Russell. (85) Doyle includes the quotation in one of the apt epigraphs with which he begins each chapter.
The great contribution The Cause of All Nations makes is that it gives us the voices of Europe's peoples. Doyle teaches us they had little interest in secession or the threat to manufacturing in the loss of Southern cotton. Their concern was over "the greatest moral issue of the nineteenth century: slavery." They would not ignore the declaration by Confederacy Vice President Alexander Stephens that slavery was the cornerstone of the South. This was more than a threat to America. Europeans saw it as a threat to every person around the world. French Count Agenor de Gasparin, who renounced his allegiance to Napoleon and exiled himself to Switzerland, declared, "One of the gravest conflicts of the age is opening in America." And he summoned all Europeans to the cause: "Let us enlist." (134)
Enlist they did. Doyle reports that "immigrants and sons of immigrants constituted well over 40 percent of the Union's armed forces." (159) They fought here not just for America, Doyle writes, but "for principles of liberty, equality, or democracy that transcended any particular nation." (160) We hear the voices:
". . .You can well imagine, dear mother, I support the cause of freedom with all my might," wrote German immigrant and Union soldier Friederich Martens.
". . .You never were in slavery, but we were born in it," said an immigrant mother from Germany to explain why her 17-year-old immigrant son had joined he Union army.
`It "should seem very strange that I should volunteerly joine in the bloody strife of the battlefield," wrote Ireland-born Peter Welsh, who had brought his wife to New York City from Canada. "Here thousands of sons and daughters of Irland have come to seek a refuge from tyranny and persecution at home . . . . America is Irland's refuge Irlands last hope." Doyle tells us that Welsh re-enlisted in January 1864 and died of wounds at Spotsylvania later that year.
Seward took advantage of this universal sense of patriotism with Circular 19, which joined to the Homestead Act and an offer of virtually free land to immigrants. And thousands came. (178) Doyle writes that the circular's success took political pressure off Lincoln because foreign enlistments offset the need to call on native-born Americans for armed service. (181)
Doyle takes a lengthy look at Southern approaches to foreign policy aimed at winning the battle of ideas abroad. While diplomats appeared capable enough, slavery continued to be the stumbling block to foreign alliances. Because the Confederacy now owned much of the French territory in the United States, France seemed the most likely friend. And Doyle dug out Napoleon's confidential comment to Southern Commissioner John Slidell that he personally favored the South in the war. Reaction overseas to the North's errors in the Trent Affair, the British allowance for the construction of six warships for the South, and other incidents gave hope to Southern diplomats that they could win the favor of European courts.
Lincoln's action on January 1, 1863, dashed those hopes. Enthusiasm for Northern principles swelled overseas with Lincoln's signature of the Emancipation Proclamation. Even British supporters of the South began to say that emancipation was the proper course for the South. (249) By the end of the year, Southern leaders concluded, "We have no friends in this world." (253) With Lincoln's re-election in 1864, Jefferson Davis and Secretary of State Judah Benjamin see the South's only recourse is to "sacrifice slavery for independence." (272)
It would not be enough. Europeans had seen the universal importance of this conflict, and Doyle writes French Professor Edouard Laboulaye's account of it:
"The world is a solidarity, and the cause of America is the cause of Liberty. . . . So long as there shall be across the Atlantic a society . . . of men, living happily and peacefully under a government of their choice, with laws made by themselves, liberty will cast her rays over Europe like an illuminating pharos. But should liberty become eclipsed in the new world, it would become night in Europe. . . ." (284)
18 of 19 people found the following review helpful.
Engrossing history
By Robert W. Brandstatter
You would think historians have covered every possible angle of Civil War history, but this book has to be outstandingly original. I have never read anything in depth like this regarding international reaction to the Civil War and its relationship to European history. I always had the impression that Europe just sat on the sidelines watching. This book points out all the diplomatic intrigue between North, South, and Europe as well as the domestic intrigue and democracy issues within England, France, Spain, Mexico, and even the Vatican. I was afraid it would be heavy reading, but it flowed along like a great novel or detective story with all its moves and countermoves even though you know the ending. Great mix of world history over a thirty year or so period with so many interesting nuggets. Never knew of Karl Marx's relationship to the Civil War. Highly recommended.
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